 |
|
The revolutionary democratic road, consciousness and party |
In Weekly Worker (No ) Dave Craig argued that the Bolsheviks based their strategy on a revolutionary democratic road to socialism. This meant moving through the democratic revolution to the socialist revolution and communism. The Bolsheviks made the democratic revolution the starting point of their struggle. The tasks facing Russian Marxists were to prepare the working class for its role as the leader of the democratic revolution by building a party capable of leading the class to victory. Lenin's theory of consciousness and the vanguard party as set out in "What is to be done" should be seen a complementary parts of the revolutionary democratic road. This second article concentrates revolutionary consciousness and the vanguard party. The Bolsheviks and democratic political consciousness The Bolshevik orientation to the democratic‑political revolution meant that they emphasised the political struggle to overthrow the Tsarist system. This emphasis on political struggle was similar to the Narodniks. But the Narodniks saw terrorism as the means of political struggle. The Bolsheviks rejected terrorism, and orientated to the struggles of the working class. They carried out agitation directed to workers in the factories. But they were not simply supporting strikes, but raising the level of consciousness to the democratic revolution and the need for political struggle. Some Social Democrats began to see the economic struggle as an alternative to the political struggle. These "Economists" did not reject politics as such but saw their role as "lending the economic struggle itself a political character". Lenin claimed that this trend emerged because of the enthusiasm of the younger more inexperienced comrades for the economic struggle, as the more experienced political Marxists were arrested by the Tsarist police. The Economists began to substitute the economic struggle, for the political struggle aimed at victory in the democratic revolution. They did not understand the revolutionary significance of the "democratic question". As Lenin said "a most characteristic feature of Economism is its failure to understand this connection, more this identity of the most pressing needs of the proletariat with the need of the general democratic movement" (Lenin CW 5 p432) So whilst the "politicians" put before the working class its historic role as a fighter for democracy, for the abolition of Tsarism, the democratic and socialist revolutions, the "economists" emphasised the immediate issues that arose spontaneously on a day to day basis. Consciousness versus spontaneity The debate between the "politicos" and the "economists" is paralleled in the dispute over consciousness versus spontaneity. Lenin considered that this was the dividing line between the revolutionaries and reformists/ultra lefts. In this Lenin and the Bolsheviks identified themselves as conscious democrats, that is advanced working class democrats (i.e. revolutionary social democrats) Consciousness and the democratic revolution Class conscious democrats were conscious of the centrality of the democratic revolution and the role the working class must play as the vanguard of that revolution. This politically advanced consciousness did not come directly from "within" the working class movement or through the experience of strike action. This experience was too narrow and limited both historically, politically and internationally. In 1900 the Russian working class, like the British working class to‑day, had no experience of the democratic revolution. Therefore consciousness of democratic and socialist revolutions could only come "from outside" that is from working class science (i.e. Marxism) which included philosophical, theoretical and practical experience. The science of working class revolution is not handed down by God. Nor does come from out of the sky. It has been created by the experience of previous generations of the working class struggle and working class revolution. It is intellectuals or if you prefer working class scientists who are the vital intermediaries between past experience and current theory. Scientific theories of working class democracy and socialism were developed by intellectuals. But these intellectuals developed their theories from observation of the working class in the class struggle. Hence Marx may have come up with the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat, but he wouldn't have arrived at that without the French revolutionary masses or later the Paris commune. The Russian working class of 1900 could not get its revolutionary theory from "within itself". It had to get "outside itself" to the French working class, through the distorted prism of the intellectuals. Lenin pointed out that many of these intellectuals were bourgeois, such as Marx and Engels. Hence the words "from the outside" are interpreted to mean working class science comes "from the bourgeoisie". The anarchists have seized upon the ambiguous words "from the outside" to suggest that Lenin was an elitist. Intellectual work is done by working class scientists, who may as individuals be working class or bourgois in origins. We are not "workerists". We don't care if the intellectual foundations of our movement were laid by bourgeois intellectuals. We have no prejudices against them on account of their class origins. We are interested in scientific theory not personal history. The theory of the British revolution will come "from outside" the British working class, that is from the Russian working class of 1917. This should not be taken to mean that current spontaneous struggles in Britain are not relevant to Marxist science. Many valuable lessons can be added to Marxist theory. But it would be wrong to generalise from such narrow experience set against the sum total of the whole of international working class history and Marxist theory. Theoretical consciousness Russian Marxists could spend considerable time discussing the lessons of the French revolution. For those who worshipped spontaneity such activity was too "intellectual" and a waste of time. Yet in the context of preparing a party and class for the democratic revolution it was of vital importance. This is why politically conscious democrats understand the importance of theoretical and ideological struggle. Lenin explains that "without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement". A party which artificially restricts the freedom for debate and exchange of information cannot fill its role as the theoretical and hence practical vanguard of the class. The science of working class revolution must be applied to the development and elaboration of a revolutionary programme, tactics and organisation, which comprise the revolutionary party. The party is the conscious element of revolutionary democratic and socialist politics. Spontaneity and democratic reform The working class, an oppressed class without political power, has always fought to extend democracy. When workers go on strike they create their own democratic organisations, strike committee and mass meetings etc. Indeed the working class only becomes a class for itself by democratic organisation. Through democratic organisation (party, trade union, workplace) millions of individual workers begin to assert themselves as a collective body. Whilst the party comprises of class conscious democrats, the working class is a spontaneously democratic class. As the working class rebels and struggles for freedom, it becomes an organised democratic force. Strikes throw up democratic organisations such as elected strike committees and mass meetings. Trade unions are one of the lower forms of working class democracy. Workplace Councils and Soviets are higher forms of workers democracy which emerge spontaneously with a rising level of class struggle. The class struggle propels workers in a democratic direction, towards the democratic revolution. In this sense the working class moves spontaneously towards socialism. Spontaneous outbreaks of struggle are not devoid of consciousness, but represent consciousness in embryonic form. Spontaneous struggles raise consciousness of the need for trade union organisation and democratic reforms, such as the right to strike, freedom of speech. Such consciousness, even if it leads towards revolutionary democracy, is quite compatible with capitalism, liberalism and Labourism. Lenin saw the spectre of reformism in the tendency to praise spontaneity and make economic struggle the focal point of activity. He urged comrades to "read the works of Mr and Mrs Webb and you will see that the British trade unions long ago recognised and have long been carrying out, the tasks of "lending the economic struggle itself a political character"; they have long been fighting for the right to strike, for the removal of all legal hindrance to the co‑operative and trade union movements, for laws to protect women and children, for improvement of labour conditions by means of health and factory legislation" (WITBD p61) A spontaneous movement for trade union and democratic reform can easily be incorporated into bourgeois politics. Indeed it is more likely to be so because "bourgeois ideology is far older in origin than socialist ideology, that it is more fully developed, and it has at its disposal immeasurably more means of dissemination." (Lenin - What is to be done p42) So Lenin concludes that "the working class spontaneously gravitates towards socialism; nevertheless, most widespread bourgeois ideology spontaneously imposes itself upon the working class to a still greater degree." Reformism, anarchism and democratic reform Both left reformism and anarchism are opposed to the democratic revolution. In this sense both ideologies reflect a lower level of working class consciousness that is spontaneous consciousness. Reformist and anarchist consciousness is therefore a barrier which advanced workers must overcome if the working class is to become the vanguard of the democratic revolution. The reformists provide a programme of democratic reform as an alternative to democratic revolution. They persuade the masses to be content with trade unionism and democratic reform. In this sense reformism adapts itself to the spontaneity of the masses in order to limit the scope of mass struggle to that which the workers are already conscious. Anarchism is not interested in democratic reform. Like reformism, it opposes the democratic revolution. Both are manifestations of the hated "politics". Communism is claimed to be the only answer because the slogan is an alternative to involvement in current democratic politics. Democratic revolution is claimed to be a diversion from communism. Preaching "only communism" goes hand in hand with worshipping spontaneity. This means that in practice, the anarchists are dragged down the road of trade unionism and democratic reforms. The Bolsheviks and the vanguard party Lenin identified the leading role that the working class must play in the democratic revolution. The party as the vanguard of the class must be the vanguard of the democratic revolution. To fill this role the party must develop the consciousness of the advanced section of the class. The German revolutionary, Paul Levi, summed up the revolutionary approach to politics when he said "for communists the question is not: how do we get the bigger party; but this: how do we get the most conscious proletariat? In this sense the party is nothing and the proletariat everything.." (Rev History Vol5 no2 p51) This encapsulates the difference between the Cliffites and Leninists to‑day. The SWP poses the question of the party simply in terms of recruits. A programme is not merely irrelevant for such a task, but is a downright hindrance. It might put people off and became a barrier to growth! Leninists ask how should we develop the democratic consciousness of the working class and raise it to the level of the democratic and socialist revolutions. Lenin provided the answer to this in "What is to be done?" Developing democratic consciousness To develop the democratic consciousness of the working class, the party must carry out political agitation. This must be as broad as possible and not confined to issues inside the workplace or in the working class movement. On the contrary political agitation must be conducted over every manifestation of police tyranny and autocratic outrage, which can be found in every section of society ‑ including for example the persecution of religious sects, the corruption of officials, flogging peasants, humiliating treatment of soldiers, students and liberal intellectuals. Bringing political knowledge to the workers The party must develop democratic consciousness by bringing political knowledge to the workers. To do this, the Social Democrats must go among all classes of the population; they must dispatch units of their army in all directions. The sphere from which alone it is possible to obtain this knowledge is the sphere of relations of all classes and strata to the state and the government, the sphere of the interrelations between all classes." (CW5 p422) The more undemocratic the state, the more of its citizens does it oppress. Agitation must be conducted in respect of every concrete example of this oppression. Lenin says "in as much as this oppression affects the most diverse classes of society, as much as it manifest itself in the most varied spheres of life and activity ‑ vocational, civic, personal, family, religious, scientific ‑ is it not evident that we shall not be full filling our task of developing the political consciousness of the workers if we do not undertake the organisation of the political exposure of the autocracy in all its aspects." (CW5 p401) Combating spontaneity The spontaneous growth of the working class movement for trade union demands and democratic reforms puts enormous pressure on the revolutionaries to adapt themselves to this. Instead of "bowing to spontaneity" or worshipping it, revolutionaries must "imbue" or "saturate" the advanced workers with revolutionary politics to prepare for the democratic revolution. Lenin made it absolutely clear that "all worship of the spontaneity of the working class, all belittling of the role of the "conscious element" of the role of Social Democracy means, quite independently of whether he who belittles that role, desires it or not, a strengthening of the influence of bourgeois ideology on the workers" (Vol 5 p382). Diverting democratic reformism to democratic revolution Combating spontaneity does not means combating the democratic consciousness of the working class or opposing its democratic struggles. It means "diverting" the spontaneous striving for trade unionism and democratic reform, onto the path of the democratic revolution and into the arms of the revolutionary party. Lenin says that "Our task, the task of Social Democracy, is to combat spontaneity, to divert the working class movement from the spontaneous trade union striving to come under the wing of the bourgeoisie and bring it under the wing of revolutionary social democracy." (Vol 5 384) which is acting as the vanguard of the democratic revolution. The democratic tribune of the people The Social Democrats ideal "should not the trade union secretary, but the tribune of the people, who is able to react to every manifestation of tyranny and oppression, no matter where it appears, no matter what stratum or class of the people it affects, who is able to generalise all these manifestations...in order to set forth before all his (her) socialist convictions and his (her) democratic demands" (CW 5 p423) Vanguard fighter for democracy Class conscious revolutionary democrats must play a leading role in the struggle for democracy. Communists support every revolutionary movement. Therefore Lenin says "we are obliged for that reason to expound and emphasise general democratic tasks before the whole people, without for a moment concealing our socialist convictions. He(she) is no social democrat who forgets in practice his (her) obligation to be ahead of all in raising, accentuating and solving every general democratic question". The vanguard party of the democratic revolution The task of class conscious democrats was "at the beginning of the "spontaneous" movement to come forward with a most extensive programme and militant tactical line" (WITBD p34) "From the very beginning they set for Russian Social Democracy the most far reaching historical tasks, in general, and the task of overthrowing the autocracy, in particular." In other words they approached concrete reality from the perspective of (the revolutionary theory of) democratic revolution. This orientation on the democratic revolution made the Bolsheviks, the most militant party of the democratic revolution and the most forceful advocates of revolutionary republicanism. 3rd January 2000 |
Without revolutionary theory, no revolutionary movementRevolutionary Democratic Group: contact@rdg.org.uk
Here you can find the latest RDG articles or other articles we think may be of general interest
| Scottish Socialist Party crisis |
Siding with Murdoch - Weekly Worker Fact and Fiction - what's happened in the SSP? - Socialist Unity Network RCN Statement on the Split in the Scottish Socialist Party - Republican Communist Network |